Date: 30 March 1904
Location: Calcutta
Speaker: Aga Khan III
Source: Speeches of Aga Khan III – K K Aziz
Full Text
Russian expansion-India must be alert and prepared-the burden of Imperial defence must be borne equitably by the Imperial Government and the Princely States – every chief should contribute some money towards Imperial defence – advantage of instituting an Imperial Cadet Corps – give commissions in the Indian Army to successful cadets – appoint others as officers of the Imperial Service Troops – foster the ideal of a united country among the princes.
My Lord, I congratulate Your Excellency’s Govemment on the prosperous condition of the finances of India as exhibited by the Budget Statement for the coming year which the Hon’ble the Finance Minister presented to the Council last week. A careful study of that statement has convinced me that there has been during the past year a steady, though slow improvement in the economic conditions of the country.
My Lord, last year, at the close of the great and very weighty speech Your Lordship was pleased to deliver on the occasion of this same discussion, you drew attention to the great and momen tous changes that were taking place throughout Asia – changes that were certain to affect the political and military interests of this great country, and Your Lordship was pleased to say that “they require that our forces shall be in a state of high efficiency, our defences secure and our schemes of policy carefully worked out and defined. Above all they demand a feeling of solidarity and common interest among those (and they include every inhabitant of this country from the Raja to the raiyat) whose interests are wrapped up in the preservation of the Indian Empire both for the sake of India itself and for the wider welfare of mankind”. The prophecy has come true sooner than most ofYour ~ordship’s hearers l~t year expected. w~ now live in stirring times and hear the din and clash of arms In North-Eastern Asia.
A Power that has been looming larger and larger on this Conti nent and has made the boundaries of her possessions almost contiguous on the North-west to the boundaries of India or of countries in which the people of India are vitally interested has now become a permanent menace to this country. History teaches us that the Muscovite when prevented from expansion on one side of his frontier naturally turns to another where he fancies the forces of resistance to be in less capable hands (witness expansion in Central Asia after the failure of Russian designs in the Balkans in 1878); so the fact that the Power that threatens the peace of this country seems to be failing in expanding in the Far East is the very reason why we should not feel more secure or less anxious about our defensive forces. We hear from all sources that troops are being massed in Central Asia. Misunderstanding the pacific disposition of the British Government and the perhaps too frequent occasions on which that Government gave way to her pretensions, Russia thought the time had come to use menaces when cajolery had failed. I refer to the communications which passed between the Russian Ambassador and Lord Lansdowne (which were recently published) regarding Thibet.
They indicate that we must be constantly on the alert and be ever ready to defend ourselves if we wish to secure to this country the blessings of peace. It is, in fact, a necessary condition of our immunity from foreign invasion that our military power and organisation should always be in a state of high efficiency so as to remove from our neighbour the temptation of interfering with us. At such a juncture it seems to me necessary to consider whether the burdens which this state of constant preparedness and high efficiency entails on the Government of India are borne fairly and equitably by all those who are benefited thereby and whose possessions thereby are safeguarded against foreign intrusion. In order to ascertain this I venture to give a few figures.
Roughly speaking, two-thirds of India proper is under the direct control of the Government of India and one-third of it is under the Government of the Feudatory States. At the same time, according to the Census of 1901, the population of the Native States was one-fourth of the entire population of India. The military expenditure of the Government of India has risen (and I for one do not grudge a penny of it) to £18,250,000. So for purposes of Imperial defence and in order to protect from invasion this country, one-third the area and one-fourth the popu lation of which belongs to the Native States, the Government have no option but to spend quite 25 per cent of the entire revenues of British India. Now let us consider whether and to what extent these States contribute towards this Imperial defence.
Their aggregate revenues amount to well over £15,500,000 a year.
Now, if the burden of Imperial defence were borne by the Imperial and the Feudatory Governments equitably, that is, pro portionately to their revenues, the annual contribution by these Native States o·ught to be considerably over £3,500,000 a year.
Now what do they contribute? In 1888 many Chiefs offered assist ance in the defence of the North-West Frontier by placing large sums of money at the disposal of the Supreme Government. The offers of money were declined. But being renewed in another form, viz., as offers of troops for Imperial service, such renewed offers were at once willingly accepted by [the] Government. A scheme (which, my Lord, was then really in the nature of an experiment) was organised by which it was expected that the States would be able to render efficient aid to the Supreme Government in times of emergency by providing Imperial Service Troops capable of taking their place in line with the regiments of the Imperial Army. When the scheme was started it was believed that quite 25,000 would be supplied, and unless I am greatly mistaken some such number was promised. But there was one flaw in the scheme. From a delicacy of feeling (a delicacy of feeling that was then justified since the scheme was an experi ment only) [the] Government left it entirely to the Chiefs to provide or not provide Imperial Service Troops and thereafter to maintain the same number or more or less according as their patriotism dictated. The result of this voluntary system has been what was to be expected. Some have (as the figures laid on the table of this Council by Sir Edmond Elles prove) actually reduced their troops, and the total number of effective troops is now under 15,000. The generous enthusiasm which has hitherto ani mated many of the patriotic and far-sighted Chiefs and induced them honourably to carry out (and in some cases like that of that great, wise and patriotic Prince His Highness Maharaja Scin dhia more than carry out) their original promises to the Supreme Government may unfortunately not be shared by their successors.
Moreover, while some of the Chiefs like His Highness the Mah ar~a Scindhia and the patriotic rulers of the Rajputana and the Punjab States and of the States of Bhownaggar, Jamnagar and Junagad in Kathiawar maintain a considerable number of Imperial Service Troops, there are others (by no means unimportant or petty rulers) who do not maintain even one Imperial Service trooper. They thus altogether escape the burden of bearing their fair share of Imperial defence.
But, my Lord, my arguments for organising a system by which each State should set aside a settled proportion of its revenues for maintaining Imperial Service Troops is not based on a mean desire to make the subjects of the Native States contribute towards Imperial defence in order to save the British Indian taxpayers from paying more in the future. It is as much in the interests of the Rulers of the Native States that they and their armies should take an active, important and honourable part in the great work of Imperial defence as it is in the interests of the Supreme Government. Companionship in arms will more than anything bring about that feeling of solidarity, of unity and of devoted loyalty to the Emperor that is the aim and object of every one of the Protected Princes of India. Such a system would add enormously to the importance and the responsibilities of the Feudatory Chiefs. It would open honourable and suitable careers (as officers) for the hereditary Sirdars, Thakores and Nobles of each and every State. My Lord, if properly carried out this scheme need not add anything serious to the financial burdens of the Native States, nor reduce the amounts now devoted by Rulers of such States towards useful civil improvements. The Chiefs have always maintained and still maintain a large army of their own, amounting to nearly 100,000 men, which is, I am sure, always at the service of [the] Government for purposes of Imperial defence. I have, however, no hesitation in saying that for these purposes such heterogeneous bodies of ‘mere men with muskets’ would be quite useless. These men differently or rather indiffer ently armed, drilled and equipped would be absolutely incapable of fighting against the trained forces of a European foe. The maintenance of such bodies of men, which can only by courtesy be called armies, is an utter frittering away of the resources of the country and dissipation of its means of defence. I would therefore respectfully suggest that [the] Government should propose to the Chiefs that they should in a given number of years disband these men, who are useless for all purposes except for empty show, and that every Chief should contribute a definite percentage of his revenues towards Imperial defence. I am sure there is not one Chief so wanting in patriotism as to object to such a fair proposal. On the contrary, I am certain that the loyal and patriotic Princes who assembled last year at Delhi would be only too eager to adopt such a proposal. The whole scheme of Imperial Service troops was originally an experiment. If the experiment has been successful, why should it not be extended?
The so-called armies of the Chiefs would be replaced by men who would add to the glory of their rulers and who would be worthy of fighting by the side of the flower of the British army.
The States which now spend large sums on useless bodies of men dignified by the name of armies will get a genuine Army of which they may well be proud without any serious addition to the expenditure side of their Annual Budgets. If these reorganised troops are to be of any use and able to take their place in line with the regiments of the Imperial Army, they must be under the immediate and direct control of the Commander-in-Chief. There would be nothing in this arrangement in any way injurious to the right of the several Ruling Chiefs. Even the Sovereigns of the various German States, who are the equal allies of the Kings of Prussia and in no way subjected to their Emperor, when they joined the Imperial Confederation in 1871 placed their troops under the Imperial Commander-in-Chief. In fact, unless these reorganised troops were under the direct command of the Com mander-in-Chief during peace, it would be impossible to place any reliance on their efficiency, and the Commander-in-Chief could never depend on their being as good as the troops that were trained under his direct control and supervision. The Com mander-in-Chief would appoint inspecting officers to such reorganised troops, while the Ruling Chiefs would retain command of their own corps, who would, of course, carry the colours and the emblems of each princely house, and if the tastes of the Prince made him turn to an active study of military subjects then of course such a Prince would naturally be not only the de jure but the de facto Commander of his own troops, receiving only his military orders from the Commander-in-Chief. My Lord, this scheme may appear of little value since no ruler has suggested it. But I think it is but my duty to explain that these suggestions are not my own original ideas but that I have borrowed them more or less from various Princes who attended the Delhi Durbar last year and the Coronation Ceremony in 1902. I have no right or authority to use their names. But so much I think I have a right to ask every one here to assume, that there is no Prince so wanting in patriotism and loyalty as to reject these suggestions without giving the matter careful and sympathetic consideration.
My Lord, the suggestions I have just ventured to make are both rough and crude, but it is for the Ruling Chiefs and the Govern ment of India to evolve some permanent system by which the Feudatory States may enjoy the privilege of sharing with the Government of India the power of adequately defending this great country. My Lord, there has been recently a tendency to maintain transports only. I fear it is not quite in keeping with the dignity of a powerful State that entertains hundreds of useless but costly soldiers of its own to refuse to keep any active Imperial Service Troops on the ground of expense and offers to maintain transports only. Transports are undoubtedly essential, but from the point of view of those who wish to see the bonds of common interest between the Imperial and Feudatory States tightened it is a backward step when lancers and infantry are changed into transports. Of course let it be clearly understood that I suggest that the present useless armies should be converted into one corps of efficient Imperial Service Troops in every State and not that the present men should be kept on as well as additions made to the Imperial Service Troops. The rich zamindars who eftioy impartible estates and thus are specially cared for by the State may well be invited to maintain a certain amount of transports.
Carts and ponies will, no doubt, entail a certain initial expense, but afterwards such transports during peace time will cost practi cally very little or nothing, since they will easily earn enough to pay for the expenses of maintenance.
My Lord, I feel it but my duty to thank Your Excellency for establishing the Imperial Cadet Corps of Native Princes and Nobles. This excellent institution was a desideratum, and among the many and great benefits which Your Excellency’s Viceroyalty has already conferred upon this country, I would look upon it as one of the greatest. If Your Excellency will permit me to say so, it was a brilliant idea conceived in a happy moment and carried out to the great gratification of the Native Princes and Nobles.
Their rank, traditional prestige and natural tastes debar them from every but a military career, and that Your Excellency has, by embodying the corps, opened the possibility of a military career to them proves your deep personal interest in their welfare. They yield to none in loyalty and attachment to their beloved Emperor and country, and such an institution, the credit of initiating which justly belongs to Your Excellency, affords them a unique opportunity of serving both. At no inconsiderable expense to themselves, many have come forward and volunteered for such service. But permit me to say that at present there is no certainty as to the future of the cadets. May I venture at this stage to ask whether the time has not yet come when a few commissions in the Indian Army may not be annually given, say, to three or four of the most successful of the Imperial cadets, who one day may be the pride of their country and achieve that glory which their forefathers had attained in byegone days. Is it too much to ask that three or four of the cadets, who might pass all the necessary tests and in whose character and integrity the comman dant of the corps might repose absolute confidence, be nominated by the Viceroy, with the sanction of the Emperor, to commissions in the Indian Army? My Lord, while the Govern ment of India trusts any young Indian, whatever his antecedents, whatever his character, who happens to get a certain number of marks at a competitive examination, to administer districts that often equal in size and population European Principalities, while the Government of India trust tens of thousands of every class and of every community to wear as sepoys the honoured uniform of the Indian Army, is the Government yet unable to see its way to trust even one of the Emperor’s Indian subjects with the honour of being a regular commissioned officer? But I am sure that mistrust or want of confidence is not the cause of this singular omission. I rather put it down to the innate conservatism of the British race that is satisfied to leave things alone until it becomes such a grave scandal that its removal becomes an imperative duty. The same spirit of conservatism left our Univer sity reforms though badly needed in the background until Your Excellency’s Government with characteristic benevolent energy and courage of conviction carried the measure of much-needed reform by the great Act which passed into law only the other day.
My Lord, there are some objections to this scheme which I have often heard and which I will venture to try and dispose of. In the first place it is asserted in some quarters that there is no young man in India whose educational and moral training fits him for being an officer. This may have been true in the past.
But since the formation of the Imperial Cadet Corps we have a right to expect that a few of the cadets after three or four years’ training under the direct supervision and constant care of com manding officers may be deemed worthy and capable of receiving a commission. Even if after three or four years’ training under such favourable conditions as prevail in the Imperial Cadet Corps, if there is not yet one noble youth worthy of being an officer, then, my Lord, there must be something so radically wrong and incredibly defective in the moral or intellectual fibre of the Chiefs and nobles of this country that the sooner Chiefs’ Colleges and Cadets Corps are abolished the better for all.
Another objection raised is that these cadet officers would crowd the Indian Army and thus change its character! If it was suggested that a competitive examination should be held and such as passed the test should be one and all enrolled as officers of the Indian Army, then I admit it might change the character of the army and none would be more strongly opposed to it than myself.
Even if it was suggested that ten officers should be appointed every year, I should still oppose it. But, my Lord, the appointment of three or four a year could never change the character of the army. At the end of twenty years, even if there was no natural wastage, their number would be eighty in the whole of India. But we all know that when we take wastage into consideration, we should find not eighty but probably fifty in twenty years. Now, my Lord, I do hope this will not be called a wild, visionary or immoderate scheme. A third argument against the scheme that has come to my ears is the difficulty about messing. However, a large section of His Majesty’s subjects have no caste rules whatso ever, nor have they any religious prejudice about dining with Europeans. I refer, of course, to the Muhammadans. We also know that a large and very rapidly growing number of Mahratta, Rajput and Sikh princes do openly dine with Europeans, Jews and Muhammadans. I think there would be no difficulty under this head. Another objection is that these cadets would be as Commanders superior to European officers. However, no one is insane enough to propose that cadets should be directly given commands of battalions and squadrons or be specially promoted.
It would take a score of years at least before any of them got command of his regiment, and I am sure that after twenty years’ comradeship in a regiment where he would have already won the respect and friendship of his European brother officers, they would willingly serve under an ex-cadet. One other objection is that the European officers would not welcome Indian brother officers. I am sure it is only those who do not know the British officer that can accuse him of such blind racial prejudice. The officers of the British and Indian Army are the pick and the flower of the manhood of England. They are the cream of society.
Gentle, just and noble alike by birth, tradition and temperament, they judge men not by their race and colour or creed, but by their intrinsic merits. If the cadets were well selected – and it is absolutely essential to the success of the scheme that every scru tiny and care should be taken that none except those of high moral and intellectual calibre should be selected – then, I for one am quite sure that ex-cadet officers would very soon be as popular as any European officer in their regiments, provided, of course, they behaved themselves properly and acted up to a high and model standard of duty. There is no doubt that in due time some of them would prove to be ideal officers. I have tried to .W” ~~:;’. roeet all the objections that I have ever heard and I have asked only for a moderate and reasonable concession, a concession which, I hope, will, if made, prove to be a boon which will be gratefully accepted and acknowledged. I do hope that there is no one here who considers this suggestion of mine as wild, visionary or impracticable. My Lord, you have won the everlasting gratitude of the people of this country by your generous endeav ours for the improvement of the Indian educational system in all its branches, the advancement of the agricultural classes, their relief from perpetual and harassing indebtedness, and your noble desire for the restoration of ancient monuments, which both Hindus and Muhammadans prize so highly, and also by taking up the question of much needed police reform, railway and irrigation improvements and many other reforms in the adminis tration of this country too numerous to mention. Now that Your Excellency has removed so many abuses, conferred such numerous boons upon the people, will not Your Excellency settle this difficult question in the interest of the cadets, who owe their existence to Your Lordship’s foresight. My Lord, I am appealing to one who has not only been a great ruler but who has proved himself an exalted but none the less devoted and true friend and patron of the princes, chiefs and nobles of India.
My Lord, the Members who are not recommended for nomi nation to this Council by public bodies are at a certain disadvantage here, for their words are naturally supposed to come from them alone, and rarely carry the same moral weight with the Government as do the suggestions of their more fortu nate Colleagues – the recommended Members. All the same, I think I am right in saying that when I earnestly appeal that three or four Cadets – and I appeal only for three or four – should be selected after a most careful and rigid scrutiny by the Viceroy for commissions in the Indian Army, I have behind me the sympathy and approval of every prince, Chief and noble in India. My Lord, there seems to be no reason why such cadets as may qualify themselves by capacity, zeal and industry and also win the respect and affection of the Commandant of the Corps, should not be rewarded with commissions in the Indian Army. If such a prospect is ever held out to them, as the reward of an exemplary moral character and of diligent study, I am sure that the scions of the best and noblest of all the families in India would flock to the Cadet Corps and [the] Government would prove and con vince the people of this country that their Emperor has full faith in their unflinching loyalty to him and treats all his subjects alike. The remaining less successful cadets could be appointed as officers of the Imperial Service Troops. Regarding the question of Imperial Service Troops and of affording to all the Native States an opportunity of contributing towards their maintenance, I feel confident that such an opportunity will be eagerly embraced by those States. It will enable them to prove that the Chiefs are worthy of being Your Excellency’s colleagues in the government of this country as Your Lordship so felicitously described them. It will show to those outside our frontiers whom it may concern that India no longer consists of segregated units with different aims and inconsistent aspirations. It will weld together and consolidate those units into a homogeneous and harmonious whole and foster and realize the ideal of a united country in the minds of these princes. They will have the proud satisfaction of knowing that, come what may, they and their troops will stand shoulder to shoulder with the armies of their Emperor and present a bold and united front to the enemies of their country, and that they have at their back the world-wide Empire based on liberty, justice and righteousness of which both the Rcya and the raiyat may well thank heaven that they form a part.
Source: Abstract of the Proceedings of the Council of the Governor General of India Assembled for the Purpose of Making Laws and Reg;ulations, Vol. XLIII, Calcutta, 1904, pp. 491-9.
The Aga Khan spoke immediately after Gokhale, and he was, as in the preceding year, followed by the &ya of Sirmur.