Date: 31 December 1928
Location: Delhi
Speaker: Aga Khan III
Source: Speeches of Aga Khan III – K K Aziz
Full Text
Concern about the King-Emperor’s health – the future of Muslims in India – importance of general consensus of views and opinions of the people – examples from Europe – Muslim leaders and aspirations of Muslim masses – necessity of good relations with Hindus – protection of Muslim cultural entity – dependence on the British for defence of India – desires of the Indian Muslims Muslim leaders and the general interests – Muslim education language of instruction – Muslims of India are a nation – Muslim representation – relations between Hindus and Muslims – public slaughter of cows.
Gentlemen, I thank you for the great honour you have done me in asking me to preside over your deliberations. Before proceeding with business, I am sure the Muslim community will join me unani mously in wishing His Majesty the King-Emperor complete restoration to health and strength. The deep anxiety which the world has shown for His Majesty’s health, which had been under mined by overwork in the zealous discharge of his multifarious and onerous duties, shows that they all appreciate his solicitude for the welfare of humanity at large. It has been an anxious time not only for His Majesty’s subjects but for the whole world who have watched with keen anxiety one who had been regarded as a great pillar on which depends the progress of the world.
Happily our anxiety is nearly, if not wholly, over. The illness drew sympathy for the Queen Empress, the Prince of Wales and the Royal family, and it must have been some comfort to them that their trouble was shared not only by every individual in the i lI!
Empire but by the people of other countries. May His Majesty live long to continue to shower the blessings of his beneficent rule on his subjects.
Now, I will at once come to the immediate business before us which is to consider the future of our co-religionists and their interests in the body-politic of India. The views and opinions I express are based on long experience of public affairs as well as the study of the past and present history of other nations. The lessons of the Great War have further strengthened these convic tions and the conclusions which I have arrived at after mature consideration.
The great lesson of modern history, to my mind, is that only those nations succeed and only those policies lead to national greatness, which are based not on ideas or ideals of a few leaders, however eminent, or of a few thinkers, but on the general con sensus of views and opinions of the people. I will give one or two examples in support of this argument. The policy of Imperial Germany was shaped by the leaders of that nation as a class. The pre-war policy of Russia was not that of the Russian people, but inspired by the Panslavists, Kat Kof and his disciples. The policies of England and France were, indeed, based on the desires of the English and French people. Similar examples are to be found on every page of recent history. When in my manifesto last year, I appealed to the Muslims of India to replace the old self-consti tuted political bodies that had served their day and purpose by an organisation of all Muslim members in touch with their electorates, I wished to place the guidance of our people in their own hands. The time has come when the leaders should keep their ears to the ground and ascertain the views and wishes of the masses. Gentlemen, make no mistake. The changes that must come over India profoundly affecting our future, will not come in a day. They will not come as in Russia like a thief in the night. Had the result of this War been different, we might have suddenly found ourselves in that position, but the attitude of the overwhelming mass of the Indian public during the War showed to the world that they were not in favour of such a hurried solution. Whatever our wishes may be, this Conference is but the first of many more that will have to evolve a truly representative body to look after and further the desires of Muslims of India.
The greatest service you can render to your people would be to organise all the Muslim members of each and every Council into a body where exchange of views and ideas and communication of the same to the electors as well as the reception of the general desires of the masses, would remain the main purpose and object.
In politically successful countries, from the Premier or the Presi dent to the humblest voter, it is but one succession of nerve lines of communication. If we had such a body, I for one should sleep in peace; for I would know that many political theories would most certainly be made by them and not by anybody else for them. From now onwards we must ever remember, even in this Conference, not what are our own individual political prefer ences but what are the aspirations of the Muslim masses in this country.
Then there are certain obvious truisms which are necessary forms of thoughts for political activity just as certain mental truisms are the basis of natural science and intellectual life. In this connection, I may give you several examples of those obvious facts that may be forgotten at times. Here is one. It is impossible for Muslims to live happily and peacefully in India if friction and suspicion are to prevail between them and the Hindus. Another vivid instance. India as a whole cannot be a prosperous or self governing country if such a large and important section of the community as the Muslims remain [sic] in doubt as to whether their cultural entity is safe or not. Here is a third and most important one. As long as we are dependent for protection against external aggression and internal security and for peace upon Great Britain and the British garrison occupies the land and the air and naval forces survey us from above and watch the coasts, Great Britain will naturally claim a dominant share and voice in the governance of India. It is essential that these and similar other truisms should not be lost sight of. The Muslim masses are, I am sure, sufficient realists to know and appreciate them. Gentlemen, you come from them; you are in touch with them; you know their views. ·~ Another point to be kept before us is that our desires must not be mere ideas and ideals. You are part of them. It is your duty to interpret as far as you can their wishes, their aspirations and their ideals, till such time as our political organisation is sufficiently advanced to let the people carry out their own wishes.
Another point to be kept in view is that our wishes or ideals are not necessarily realities.
You must avoid forcing your own preferences when they dash with what we believe to be the real wishes of the mass of the people. The policy to be pursued during the immediate years, I would once more emphasize, must not be based on our personal views and predilections, but on what you know to be the general desires of the people to whom you belong. What are the desires of the Indian Muslims? I can safely say that the overwhelming majority of Muslims are determined to maintain their cultural unity (hear, hear) and remain culturally interrelated with the Muslims of the world. How that can best be accomplished, it is for you to think out.
But that does not mean that the general welfare of the whole commonwealth is to be ignored by us. It does not mean that the Muslim representatives’ activities are to be confined to their own sectional interests. That would be wrong. The Muslim members should consider it their duty to look after the interests of India as a whole or of a Province as a whole and advocate the pro motion of general interests at every opportunity. I will illustrate what I mean by giving a concrete example. Now, take the question of education, primary, secondary and higher. For more than a generation, I have urged that a national educational policy for India is impossible unless financed by large educational grants raised by the State as loans and not from current revenue. Such loans should be as much a legitimate object as any public work as they will, through improvement in intelligence, add to the economic welfare of the country. In regard to Muslim education, especially, one striking fact is that there exists a sort of gauge between primary and secondary education in the universities and technological and other institutions. It is incumbent on us all to find a solution of this most important Muslim problem. Our secondary educational institutions specially need further support from the State.
Another great difficulty which has been ineffectually tackled in the past is the question of language as medium for instruction.
We must bear in mind that the acquisition of knowledge is quite a different thing from the medium of acquiring it. Our linguistic traditions are mainly based on Persian and Urdu. Urdu is one of the most important and widespread languages in the world. It serves as a medium of communication between Muslims of dif ferent parts of India as well as between Muslims and other communities of a district. The foundation of the Oosmania Uni versity, which owes its existence to the magnificent generosity of His Exalted Highness the Nizam of Hyderabad, is bound to give a great impetus to the educational activities of our people. It is adapted to higher culture. But both Urdu and Persian scripts present serious difficulties in the primary stages of education, and it is a matter for deliberation how we can improve and simplify the change of script.
Now, whether in education or politics, I would beg of you to consider the realities and not to throw away the substance for the shadow. Whether in education or in politics, build on a solid foundation. Do not be carried away by catchwords; nor hanker after ideals that may not be within your grasp but concentrate your minds on what is practicable and useful under pressing economic and political needs of the country and strive after actualities to promote the higher happiness of mankind.
In recent times, no question seems to have aroused so much controversy as the question of separate electorates for the protec tion of the right[s] of minorities.
The merits and demerits of separate or so-called communal electorates have been discussed so often that it is unnecessary to re-examine them in detail. In regard to the implications of the term “communal”, I may remark in passing that the Muslims of India are not a community, but in a restricted, special sense a nation composed of many communities and population totally out-numbering the total even of the pre-war German Empire [sic].
The vital and dominant consideration which underlies [sic] is the real representation of Muslims in all legislatures and self governing bodies. How that can be secured is a problem for the Muslim population of this country to consider and solve without any prejudices.
Gentlemen, I have specially at your request come to this Con ference and felt it more than ever my duty to draw attention to the urgent problems that can be dealt with rather than to discuss doubtful questions of an uncertain future. If through your elected representatives you can further the practical solution of these problems, a great step forward will have been taken.
I cannot allow my speech to close without making a passing reference to a subject of constant friction between the two sister communities and making a fervent appeal, with all the earnest ness that I command, to remove that friction as far as possible so that Muslims may live in amity with their Hindu brethren.
While referring to the cause of friction, I take this opportunity of expressing profound admiration and gratitude of Indians to His Excellency the Viceroy for his earnest endeavour to bring about harmonious relations between the Hindus and Maho medans.
Cow-killing has unfortunately been a perpetual source of bitter feelings between Muslims and Hindus. It is incumbent on us all l
to find a remedy. It may help us to do this, if we trace the origin of sacrificial rites. We are all agreed that we celebrate the historical sacrifice by Ibrahim. But it must be remembered that Ibrahim, one of our great Prophets, did not sacrifice a cow, nor is the sacrifice of a bovine especially enjoined anywhere. One [sic] the contrary, the camel or the sheep is more frequently mentioned in connection with sacrificial rites. How many of our Hajis have sacrificed cows in Arabia, the home of Islam?
The Emperor Baber, who was as Mr. Edwards has pointed out, the greatest monarch of his age, enjoined his son Humayun to respect the religious sentiments and even the prejudices of the Hindus and he specially mentioned the cow as an animal vener ated in India. The late Ameer Habibullah Khan, who was a good Muslim, discountenanced the practice. If other Muslim leaders share their views, they will certainly not be acting against any Islamic injunction.
You no doubt know our religious dictum that “the flesh and blood of animals do not reach God”. This is a humanitarian view entirely in accord with our conception of the Deity and His creation.
I am open to be enlightened on this point by our Ulama, but am certain that not one of them will countenance the parade of sacrificial rites in public places. There are many other communi ties who eat beef, but they do not hurt the susceptibilities of their neighbours by parading the sacred and adored animals for slaughter.
In the light of these facts, which I have mentioned, it is a matter for your serious consideration whether we should re examine our views on this particular sacrifice and test its true significance. If by doing so, we can readjust our relations with our Hindu friends, we shall indirectly render a service of incalcu lable value and importance to the cause of peace and prosperity and even perhaps satisfactory political readjustment.
Source: Report of the All India Muslim Conference Held at Delhi on 31 December, 1928, and 1st January, 1929, compiled and published by authority by Ha:fizur Rahman, Aligarh, n.d., pp. 20-3. An account of the Conference was also pub lished in The Times of India, Bombay, 1st January, 1929.
On the All India Muslim Conference see John Coatman, Years ofD estiny: India 1926-1932, London, 1932; Khaliquzzaman, Pathway to Pakistan, Lahore, 1961; Mian Muhammad Shafi, Some Important Indian Problems, Lahore, 1930; “Shamloo” (comp.), Speeches and Statements ofI qbal, Lahore, 1945; Abdul Hamid, Muslim Separatism in India: A Brief Survey 1858-1947, Lahore, 1967; Waheeduzzaman, Towards Pakistan, Lahore, 2nd ed, 1969; and K K Aziz (ed.), The All India Muslim Conference, 1928-1935: A Documentary Record, Karachi, 1972.
The first resolution which the conference passed between 31 December 1928 and 1 January 1929 became the bill of rights of the Muslims of India.
Throughout the three sessions of the Round Table Conference and the Joint Committee on Indian Constitutional Reform the Aga Khan was stressing the importance of the demands made in it and fighting for them. The resolution ran as follows: “1. Whereas, in view of India’s vast extent and its ethnological, linguistic, administrative and geographical or territorial divisions, the only form of government suitable to Indian conditions is a federal system with complete autonomy and residuary powers vested in the constituent states, the Central Government having control only of such matters of common interest as may be specifically entrusted to it by the constitution; And whereas it is essential that no bill, resolution, motion or amendment, regarding inter-communal matters be moved, discussed or passed by any legislature, central or provincial, if a three-fourths majority of the members of either the Hindu or the Muslim community affected thereby in that legislature oppose the introduction, discussion or passing of such bill, resol ution, motion or amendment; And whereas the right of Muslims to elect their representatives on the various Indian legislatures through separate electorates is now the law of the land and Muslims cannot be deprived of that right without their consent; And whereas in the conditions existing at present in India and so long as those conditions continue to exist, representation in various legislatures and other statutory self-governing bodies of Muslims through their own separate electorates is essential in order to bring into existence a really representative democratic government; And whereas as long as Musalmans are not satisfied that their rights and interests are adequately safeguarded in the constitution, they will in no way consent to the establishment of joint electorates, whether with or without conditions; And whereas, for the purposes aforesaid, it is essential that Musalmans should have their due share in the central and provincial cabinets; And whereas it is essential that representation of Musalmans in the various legislatures and other statutory self-governing bodies should be based on a plan whereby the Muslim majority in those provinces where Musalmans constitute a majority of population shall in no way be affected and in the provinces in which Musalmans constitute a minority they shall have a rep resentation in no case less than that enjoyed by them under the existing law; And whereas representative Muslim gatherings in all provinces in India have unanimously resolved that with a view to provide [sic] adequate safe guards for the protection of Muslim interests in India as a whole, Musalmans should have the right of 33% per cent representation in the Central Legis lature and this Conference entirely endorses that demand; And whereas on ethnological, linguistic, geographical and administrative grounds the province of Sind has no affinity whatever with the rest of the Bombay Presidency and its unconditional constitution into a separate prov ince, possessing its own separate legislative and administrative machinery on the same lines as in other provinces of India, is essential in the interests of its people, the Hindu minority in Sind being given adequate and effective representation in excess of their proportion, as may be given to Musalmans in the provinces in which they constitute a minority of population; And whereas the introduction of constitutional reforms in the North-West Frontier Province and Baluchistan along such lines as may be adopted in other provinces of India is essential not only in the interests of those provinces but also of the constitutional advance of India as a whole, the Hindu minori ties in those provinces being given adequate and effective representation in excess of their proportion in population as is given to the Muslim community in provinces in which it constitutes a minority of the population; And whereas it is essential in the interests of Indian administration that provision should be made in the constitution giving Muslims their adequate share along with other Indians in all services of the State and on all statutory self-governing bodies, having due regard to the requirements of efficiency; And whereas, having regard to the political conditions obtaining in India, it is essential that the Indian constitution should embody adequate safeguards for protection and promotion of Muslim education, languages, religion, personal law and Muslim charitable institutions, and for their due share in grants-in-aid; And whereas it is essential that the constitution should provide that no charge in the Indian constitution shall, after its inauguration, be made by the Central Legislature except with the concurrence of all the states constitu ting the Indian federation; This Conference emphatically declares that no constitution, by whomsoever proposed or devised, will be acceptable to Indian Musalmans unless it con forms with the principles embodied in this resolution.” “2. The All India Muslim Conference invites the attention of the Musal mans of India that it is high time the different schools of thought amongst them should put forth their joint efforts and undertake all or any of the following items for the well-being of the community: (1) Promotion of primary education among Muslim boys and girls. (2) Provision of qualified teachers. (3) Introduction of up-to-date curriculum in national institutions. ( 4) Establishment of night schools for the secular and religious education and instruction of Muslim adults. (5) Revival of Islamic spirit by utilizing mosques as centres for social, moral and economic activities. (6) Adoption of means whereby Muslims may be saved from following un-Islamic customs and habits. (7) Encouragement of trade, arts and industries to combat unem ployment. (8) Establishing or encouraging Muslim newspapers for creating public opinion in favour of the scheme.”
The Main Resolution of the All India Muslim Conference, published by Muhammad Shafee Daoodi, Patna (Bihar and Orissa), Working Sec retary, All India Muslim Conference, n.d. (? 1930) (printed at the Army Press, Simla), pp. 3-6.
The background of the making of this resolution was that:
On I January 1929, at 10 a.m. an informal conference of leaders met near the Conference pandal (stage) in a separate shamiana (tent) to discuss the whole situation facing the Conference. Maulana Muhammad Ali and Maulana Shaukat Ali, who had arrived from Calcutta, were present. Among the prin cipal speakers were Sir Muhammad Shafi, Maulana Muhammad Ali, and Maulana Mufti Kifayatullah. After a long discussion, the general principles on which the resolutions were to be drafted were agreed upon.
At 11 a.m. the Subjects Committee met in the Conference pandal with the Aga Khan in the Chair. The proceedings of this meeting were not published, but it was greatly understood that the main difference of opinion centred round the question whether separate electorates were to be demanded unconditionally or joint electorates were to be accepted if certain conditions, like those embodied in the Delhi Proposals of March 1927 were fulfilled. Sir Muhammad Shafi defended the former position; Maulana Muhammad Ali and Maulana Muhammad Shafee Daoodi supported the latter suggestion.
At the opening of the regular session, Sir Muhammad Shafi moved the first resolution (No. 1 in the text). Maulana Muhammad Ali seconded it.
Speeches in its support were delivered by Sir Abdul Karim Ghuznavi, Maulana Muhammed Shafee Daoodi, Dr. Sir Muhammad Iqbal, Sharfuddin, Hafiz Hidayat Husain, Maulvi Muhammad Yakub, Dr. Shafa’at Ahmad Khan, Abdul Aziz, Daoodbhoy Salehbhoy Tayebji, Seth Haji Abdullah Haroon, Maulana Abdul Majid Badayuni, Maulana Mufti Kifayatullah, Naweb Mehdi Husain, Maulana Azad Sobhani, Shaikh Muhammad Sadiq, and Maulana Muhammad Ali, in this order. It was put to the house and unanimously carried.
Maulana Shaukat Ali announced at this stage that as the President ( the Aga Khan) wanted to leave, he (the Maulana) desired to move a resolution of thanks to him and other functionaries of the Conference. The resolution was moved, seconded by Zahur Ahmad and passed without dissent.
The Aga Khan briefly spoke in reply to the vote of thanks, and then proposed that Sir Ibrahim Rahimtoola should occupy the Chair. Sir Muhammad Shafi seconded it.
The proceedings continued under the presidentship of Sir Ibrahim Rahim toola. Maulana Shaukat Ali moved the second resolution (No. 2 in the text), and Syed Habib seconded it. The supporting speakers included Mir Muhammad Baloch, Maulvi Anees Ahmad, Maulvi Mazharuddin, Mufti Muhammad Sadiq, Sahibzada Muhammad Rashiduddin, Gulsher Khan, and Muhammad Sadiq. It was unanimously passed.
Another resolution (the text of which is not available) condoled the death of the Rt. Hon. Sayyid Ameer Ali and that of Hakim Ajmal Khan. It was moved from the Chair.
Among the parties and groups officially represented at the Conference were: All India Muslim League (Lahore Section), Central Khilafat Committee, Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Hind, Central Muslim Legislative Assembly Party, Ahma diyya Community, Jamiat-ul-Quraish, Bazm-i-Sufia, Zia-ul-Islam (Bombay), All India Muslim Federation, All India Shia Conference, Young Men’s Muslim Association, Roohaniat Movement, Bombay Khilafat Committee, and Sind Khilafat Committee.
The conference of December 1928 to January 1929 was by far the most representative gathering of the Muslims of India that ever met. The following delegates were present:
Khilafa tists Khwaja Abu Ahmed Iqbal Saheb Ansari, Khwaja Muhammad Ayyub Saheb Ansari, Abdul Wahab Usmani, Gulsher Khan, Maulana Muhammad Ali, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Maulana Muhammad lrfan, Hafiz Muhammad Usman, Haji Muhammad Moosa Khan Sherwani.
Members of the Jamiat-ul-Ulama Maulana Mufti Kifayatullah, Maulana Abul Mohasin Muhammad Sajjad (Behar), Maulana Abdul Haleem Siddiqi, Maulana Ahmed Saeed, Maulana Umar Daraz Baig, Maulana Husain Ahmed Madani.
Delhi Shams-ul-Ulama Maulana Syed Ahmad (Imam, Jame Maajid), Maulana Muhammad Siddiq, Muhammad Aminuddin, Muhammad Rashiduddin, Nawab Abul Hason, Nawab Shaikh Fariduddin, Maulvi Mazharuddin, Khwaja Ghulam-us-Sibtain, Khan Saheb Master Fazluddin, Mirza Ejaz Husain.
The United Provinces Khan Bahadur Syed Jafar Husain, M.L.C.; Khan Bahadur Maulvi Fasi huddin, M.L.C.; Khan Bahadur Hafiz Hidayat Husain, M.L.C.; Dr. Shafaat Ahmed Khan, M.L.C.; Khan Bahadur Masud-ul-Hasan, M.L.C.; Khan Bahadur M. Ziaul Haq, M.L.C.; Matinuddin, M.L.C.; Syed Habibullah, M.L.C.; Abdul Bari, M.L.C; Shaikh Abdullah, M.L.C.; Raja Syed Ahmed Ali Khan Alavi, Raja of Salempur, M.L.C.; Mushir Hosain Kidwai; Zahoor Ahmad, M.L.C.; Haji Abdul Qayyum, M.L.C.; Khan Bahadur Shaikh Syed Muhammad, M.L.C.; Nawab Jamshed Ali Khan of Bhagpat, M.L.C.; Nawabzada Abdus Sarni Khan, M.L.C.; Honourable Nawab Muhammad Yusuf, M.L.C.; Shaikh Khaliluddin, M.L.C.; Dr. Ziauddin Ahmad; Muhammad Yamin Khan, M.L.A., Nawab Muhammad Ismail Khan, M.L.A.; Dr. L. K. Hyder, M.L.A.; Maulana Abdul Majid Badayuni; Hakim Moazzam Ali Khan; Khan Bahadur Nawab Shaikh Wahiduddin; Muhammad Bashir; Muhammad Amin; Maulana Hasrat Mohani; Begum Hasrat Mohani; Rao Abdul Hameed Khan; Kanwar Haji Ismail Ali Khan; Nawab Muhammad Mehdi Hasan Rizvi; Maulvi Muhammad Yaqub (Deputy President, Central Assembly); Dulay Bhai; Maulvi Obaidur Rahman Khan Sherwani, M.L.C.; Maulana Azad Sobhani; Kazi Masood Hasan; Khan Bahadur Nawab Muhammad Ibrahim Khan; Ahsan Ali Khan; Mahmmod Ahmad Abbasi; Sahibzada Shaikh Rashiduddin; Hasan Mohayyuddin Abbasi; Kazi Maqbool Husain; Hafizur Rahman; Muhammad Aminullah; Maulvi Haji Muhammad Muqtada Khan Sherwani; Abdul Basit Illian; Shaikh Abdul Hamid; Muhammad Faruq; Abdus Samad Muqtadari; Chaudhri Muhammad Swaleh; Haji Muhammad Swaleh Khan Sherwani; Syed Zakir Ali; Muhammad Mahmud Ahmad; Kazi Ghiasuddin; Syed Mujtaba Ali; Muhammad Hafizur Rahman; Ali Maqsood; Abdul Kadir; Shaikh Zuber Hasan.
The Punjab Muhammad Hasan Qureshi, M.L.C.; Shaikh Muhammad Sadiq, M.L.C.; Maulvi Mahboob Alam; Shaikh Niaz Muhammad; Shaikh Muhammad Bukhsh; Maulana Ghulam Mohayyuddin; Syed Mohsin Shah; Maulana Syed Habib; Qazi Nazir Ahmed; Khan Saheb Khwaja Gul Muhammad Khan; Khan Bahadur Nawab Muhammad Ibrahim Ali Illian; Nawabzada Muhammad Ihsan Ali Illian of Maler Kotla; Dr. Khalifa Shujauddin; Mian Sir Muhammad Shafi; Honourable Malik Firoz Khan Noon; Dr. Sir Muhammad Iqbal; Ghulam Rasul Meher; Abdul Majid Salik; Mian Muhammad Shah Nawaz, M.L.A.; Mian Muhammad Rafi; Sir Rahim Bukhsh, M.L.C.; Nawab Sir Zulfiqar Ali Khan, M.L.C.; Nawab Ahmed Jan Khan Daultana, M.L.C.; Zahur .Ahmed Bugvi; Rashid Ahmed; Manzoor Ali Bin Taib; Afzal Ali Hasan; Shaikh Muhammad Sadiq.
Bombay Sir Ibrahim Rahmatullah, Maulvi Abdur Rauf, Fateh Muhammad Munshi, I. S. Haji, Ali Muhammad Chunera, Haji Ahmed Muhammad Bhindiwalla, Maulvi Anis Ahmed, Maulana Nazir Ahmed, Muhammad Zakria Maniar, Muhammad Ali Maniar, Sabze Ali, Abbas Bhai Abdul Ali, Musaji Imamji, Varas Daya Bhai Velji, Khan Saheb Mansuri, Daood Khan Saleh Bhai Tayebji, M.L.C.; Hosain Ali M. Rahmatullah, Haji Ahmed Saheb, Hashem Moldina Saheb, Abdur Rauf Khan, Mir Muhammad Baloch.
Sind Seth Haji Abdullah Haroon, Shaikh Abdul Majid, Abdul Hameed Khud adad Khan, Nawab Khaliqdad Khan, Alijah Mukhi Husain Mukhi Allahrakhi.
Central Provinces Sharfuddin, Khan Bahadur Mirza Rahman Beg, M.L.C.; Kazi Hifazat Ali M.L.C.; Siraj Ahmed.
Madras Hamid Hasan Schamnad, Khan Bahadur Haji Abdullah Haji Kasim, M.L.A.
North-West Frontier Province Abdul Aziz, Azizullah Khan of Tom, Fateh Muhammad Khan Khattak, Nawab Khaliqdad Khan Bhaya, Abdul Hameed Khan.
Assam Abdul Hameed (President, Assam Legislative Council).
Bihar and Orissa Maulana Muhammad Shafi Daudi, M.L.A.; M. Shah Masood Ahmed; Maulvi Manzoor Ahsan Ejazi; Hakim Khalil Ahmed; Sir Sultan Ahmed; Khan Bahadur Khwaja Muhammad Nur (President, Legislative Council, Behar and Orissa); M. Ismail Muhammad Khan; Maulvi Muhammad Ishaq; Sirajuddin; Muhammad Siddiq; Muhammad Illahi Bukhsh; Maulana Mehdi Saheb.
Bengal Sir A. K Ghuznavi, Bedar Bakht, Honourable Mahmood Suhrawardy (Member, Council of State), Abul Kasim.
Qadianees Mufti Muhammad Sadiq, Chaudhry Zafarullah Khan, Hakim Abu Tahir Muhammad Ahmed, Babu ljaz Husain.
Miscellaneous Inamullah, Siraj Ahmed, :fjaz Husain, Ibrahim Usuf Ali.
Subsidiary List Khan Bahadur Haji Maulvi Ziayuddin Muhammad (Madras); Syed Ghulam Bhik Nairang (Arnbala); Hakim Habibur Rahman (Dacca); Syed Muhammad Ashraf (Kohat); S. A. Hadi (Jubblepore); Honourable Sir Ebrahim Haroon Jaffer (Bombay); Mir Noor Muhammad Khan (Jacobabad); Muhammad Rafiq, M.L.A. (Calcutta); Syed Muttalabi Faridabadi (Faridabad); M. I. Khuro, M.L.C. (Sind); Chaudhry Din Muhammad (Lahore); Pir Akbar Ali, M.L.C. (Ferozepur); Azimullah (Lahore); Mian Muhammad Hayat Qureshi, M.L.C. (Panjab); Maulvi Masudur Rahman Nadvi; Honourable Ali Bukhsh Muhammad Husain (Member Council of State) (Sind); Hakim Syed Ali Ahmed Zaidi (Faridabad); Kazi Muhammad Aslam (Peshawar); Khan Bahadur Makhdoom Syed Rajan Bukhsh Shahjilani, M.LA. (Multan); Sardar Naharsingji alias Nasrullah Khan Thaor [sic. Thakur of Ainod]; GA.D. Wazif, M.L.C. (Malegaon); Abdul Hameed Khan, M.L.C. (Behar and Orissa); Khan Sahib Bashir Ahmed Khan ( Gurdaspur); Abdul Latif Haji Hajrat Khan, M.L.C. (Sholapur); Abdullah Haji Isa (Bhagat-Godhra); Mian Abdul Haye, M.L.A. (Ludhiana); Kazi Syed Ishaq Syed Hason, Kazi of Wai and Mahableshwar (Bombay Presidency); H. Shaheed Suhrawardy (Calcutta); Muhammad Sadique (Jalpaiguri); Khan Saheb A. A. Deshmukh (Pochora) Report of the All India Muslim Conference held at Delhi on 31st December, 1928, and 1st January, 1929, compiled and published (by authority) by Hafizur Rahman, Aligarh, n.d., p. 6-8, xvii. The compiler’s note to the first list reads: “The following are names of some of the prominent delegates who attended the Conference and whose names could be noted down in a haphazard way by volunteers while it was actually sitting. Many names must surely be missing in this list’. He prefaces the subsidiary list with this gloriously nonchalant statement: “The following gentlemen communicated their intention of attending the Conference to its authorities and were most probably-nay, almost certainly-present in it. Somehow their names escaped being noted down by volunteers.”
The conference was organized on the following lines:
OBJECTS The Objects of the Conference are:( a) To safeguard and promote the rights and interests of the Indian Musal mans at all stages of constitutional advance towards full responsible government in India. (b) To organize the Indian Musalmans and to co-ordinate the existing Muslim Organizations having an All-India character for the purpose of giving expression to Muslim opinion on questions affecting the Musal mans of India, without interfering with the special features which distinguish such organizations.
CONSTITUTION PARTS (i) The elected Muslim Members of the Central and Provincial Legislatures, who subscribe to the National Muslim Creed. (ii) Twenty Members each of: (a) The Central Khilafat Committee; (b) The Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i-Hind; and ( c) The All India Muslim League (Lahore Section), elected respectively by these organizations who subscribe to the Muslim National Creed; and (iii) The other prominent Indian Musalmans who have subscribed to the National Muslim Creed and been elected by the Working Committee.
OFFICE BEARERS President His Highness Sir Aga Khan Secretaries Nawab Muhammad Ismail Khan, M.L.A.
Fazal Ibrahim Rahimtoola, M.L.A.
Financial Secretary : Khwaja Ghulam-us-Sibtain Working Secretary : Muhammad Shafee Daoodi, M.L.A.
Members of Working Committee: 1. Mian Sir Muhammad Shafi 2. Dr. Sir Muhammad Iqbal, M.L.c. (Panjab) 3. Hon’ble Malik Feroz Khan Noon, Minister of the Punjab Government 4. Maulana Muhammad Ali, President-elect All India Muslim Conference, 5. Maulana Mufti Muhammad Kifayatullah, President, Jamiat-ul-Ulama-i Hind 6. Hakim Jamil Khan, Chairman, Reception Committee of All-India Muslim Conference, Delhi, 1929 7. Maulana Shaukat Ali, Secretary, Central Khilafat Committee 8. Sir Ibrahim Rahimtoola 9. Seth Haji Abdullah Haroon, M.L.A. 10. Maulana Hasrat Mohani 11. Hon’ble Muhammad Yusuf, Minister of the United Provinces Government 12. The Hon’ble Maulvi Muhammad Yaqub, President, Legislative Assembly 13. Nawab Habibullah of Dacca 14. Mr. A. H. Ghuznavi, M.L.A. 15. Mr. Husain Shaheed Suhrawardy, M.L.A. 16. Maulana Syed Murtaza Saheb Bahadur, M.L.A., Secretary, Central Khilafat Committee 17. Mr. Syed Abdul Aziz, M.L.c., Bar-at-Law 18. Mr. Abdul Qadir Siddiqi, M.L.A. 19. Nawab Sahibzada Sir Abdul Qayyum, M.L.A.
The Main Resolutions of the All India Muslim Conference, published by Muhammad Shafee Daoodi, Patna (Bihar and Orissa), Working Secretary, All India Muslim Conference, n.d. (? 1930) (printed at the Army Press, Simla), pp. 1-2.
Between 1928 and 1935 the conference had the following presidents:
December 1928 Delhi The Aga Khan November 1930 Lucknow Nawab Muhammad Ismail Khan April 1931 Delhi Maulana Shaukat Ali March 1932 Lahore Sir Muhammad Iqbal December 1932 Calcutta Abdullah Yusuf Ali Decembe 1933 Dr. Shafa’at Ahmad Khan Decemberl934 Nawab Sir Ahmad Said Khan of Chattari December 1935 Seth Haji Abdullah Haroon