Date: 14 December 1933
Location: Bombay
Speaker: Aga Khan III
Source: Speeches of Aga Khan III – K K Aziz
Full Text
Dominion Status – the need for constructive discussion – avoid recrimination – an appeal for co-operation and unity – the Communal Award – economic progress – the new Governor of Bombay – the task before Indians.
Interviewed by a representative of The Times ofI ndia, His Highness the Aga Khan first paid a tribute to the disinterested and enlight ened labours of the leaders of British India, especially Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, Mr. [M. R.] Jayakar, Sir Phiroze Sethna, Dr. Sir Barisingh Gour, Sir Abdur Rahim and the representatives of the States, like Sir Akbar Hydari.
He said that the members of the British Indian and Indian States Delegation created a most favourable impression by the fact that they acted not as Hindus, Moslems, Parsis, Sikhs or Christians, but as Indians, and their constructive work was con ceived in the interests of India as a whole.
There was no sectional or separatist tendency and everyone was animated by a genuine desire to promote the constitutional advance of India, which is ensured. The joint memorandum presented by the British Indian delegation who collaborated with the Joint Select Committee and which represented the views of the delegation as a whole is a testimony to the unity of purpose and agreement among the members, and moreover it follows the line of the able and illuminating memorandum of Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru. “Our case has been ably presented, and I have no fear whatsoever that the principle embodied in the White Paper will be whittled down, for I can say from my personal experience that every member of the National Government in England is deter mined to carry through the proposals,” said the Aga Khan. “The principles enunciated in the White Paper may be regarded as a preliminary to and a step forward towards the realisation of India’s aspirations towards Dominion Status. We know the opposition that is offered to the principles of the White Paper by a powerful section of the Conservatives, but in the Secretary of State, Sir Samuel Hoare, India has found a staunch friend, who remained unshaken in his determination to stand by India. “I do not know what to admire most, his liberalism or his tenacity of purpose, or his steadiness and stand against the fire of the enemies. I do not say we have got the Dominion Status, but now that we are on the high road to it, it is for us, Indians, to impede or accelerate the journey. I have always emphasised one fact that there is no short cut to constitutional advance and that if we prove ourselves capable of progress by enlightened and sustained effort, no power in the world can arrest our onward march towards progress: but if we fritter our energies by futile quarrels among ourselves for monopoly of power or the form of Government, we shall be held guilty of holding up the progress of the country. “More than one country in Europe is now learning the lesson that it is difficult to find an efficient substitute in place of the sudden deposition of her experienced sons with traditions of ruling authority. But I earnestly appeal to my countrymen not to throw away the substance for the shadow. By all means urge amendments of the proposals, stand up for your constitutional rights, and where you consider the proposals in the White Paper deficient, point it out in a firm and dignified manner and meet argument by argument and urge on the authorities to supply the deficiency. “But for God’s sake if you love India, if you have her interests at heart, do not hold up the progress and do not try to slay each other. Persevere in the path of peaceful progress. Forget the past and look to the future. There are weak points, there are defects in the Federal plan placed before the country, but please remember that it is the most momentous .and unparalleled political transition in the history of India. “It is a gigantic task and such a novel experiment in democracy in a continent like India cannot be perfected without experience and tremendous constructive effort. But a false start should, and could, be avoided at any rate. It is no use indulging in recrimi nation. I am prepared to give credit to the critics of the proposed constitutional advance for honesty of purpose, but I would beseech them to extend to us the same courtesy. “All my life, I have fought for unity in India and for consti tutional advance of India on the lines of least resistance under the aegis of the Crown, in whose vast dominions a real League of Nations can be found – I claim that my labours extending over 30 years for the advance of India have not been in vain.
Federation has received blessings from Indian Princes who have not been slow to sacrifice such of their sovereign powers as are essential for the establishment of the Federal Government, and the way in which the representatives of His Exalted Highness the Nizam, and the rulers of Mysore, Baroda, Bikaner, Kashmir, Patiala, Udaipur, Jodhpur, Jaipur and others stood by India in her hour of need was indeed a marvellous revelation to the friends as well as the critics of the Government plan. “Equally gratifying was the great forensic ability and devotion to the cause of the motherland by that Indian patriot, Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, and by Mr. J ayakar, Sir Harising Gour, Sir Pheroze Sethna and Sir Abdur Rahim and other leaders of political thought. “While realising the essential need of compromise as an expediency in politics, Sir Tej Bahadur refused to receive any thing less than responsibility in the centre as a first and important measure towards Dominion Government, subject to safeguards in the interests of India during the period of transition. “I have always appealed for co-operation between Indians and Indians and between Indians and Englishmen. I thankfully acknowledge a very large measure of support I have received from my countrymen as well as my co-religionists and even Eng lishmen of all the political parties in England. I have always worked for unity and peace and I hope my Hindu and Muslim brethren will realise that at no time there was a greater necessity for co-operation and unity to solve great political problems of stupendous magnitude and dispel the dark cloud of depression that has been running over India. “The unity for which I earnestly appeal is not the unity of a pious paper resolution but unity of heart, achieved through its promptings and cemented by bonds of mutual affection, mutual goodwill pointing to common interests of the country and the Empire.”
Asked as to the Communal Award he said emphatically that it has come to stop [sic] unless both parties come to a mutual agreement. No leader and no party had a right to change it.
That controversy should be considered as closed.
Continuing the Aga Khan said: – “We did our best to come to an honourable agreement without the help of the third party.
We who worked for the good of the country, have a clear con science as we have a clear duty towards our countrymen as our co-religionists. We cannot betray our trust. Our people and they alone as a body can change the plan. We have shown accommo dating spirit in every direction and if larger sacrifices were required for our dear country’s cause we would not have hesitated to make those sacrifices but we were all convinced and were able to convince others that in the ignoring or belittling of our just demands there was not safety but danger for Indian nationalism. “I am not tired of reiterating,” said the Aga Khan, “that politics are only an avenue and a means for securing our economic and social regeneration. Our first and paramount duty should be to stop the economic rot that has set in. This is an imperative task demanding our careful attention, as without improvement in the present paralysing economic condition of the country, political progress will come to naught. “This economic crisis is scarcely less grave than that occasioned by the Great War. If India is economically ruined, what kind of Swaraj can we build on the economic ruin of the country? It is suicidal to add to our great troubles. Why can’t we live, work, progress and prosper together as we have done for centuries, sharing the joys and sorrows of each other. “I am glad that Bombay is fortunate in having in the new Governor, Lord Braboume, who has not only Parliamentary knowledge and experience, but has become quite familiar with the aspirations and demands of young India at the Round Table Conferences. He has been able to study at close quarters the mainspring of Indian aspirations and has come to sympathise with them, and I have no doubt that he will succeed in firmly planting autonomy broad-based on people’s will in our Presi dency. I am sure that in the new Governor, you will find a true friend of the people of the Presidency actuated by highest motives to promote their political and economic welfare.”
In conclusion, the Aga Khan said that the time for agitation and academic discussion had passed. The stage for education of the people and for preparation for fitting Indians for larger responsibilities which will be shortly theirs had arrived. “As we show the use we make of those responsibilities, so shall we be judged and our next advance must depend upon ourselves.
I ask how India will benefit by holding up or putting back the clock of progress? Do not throw away what we have already achieved, but work hard for further achievement. The task is endless and formidable. Lost opportunities do not recur. We have now at the helm of administration an old and a tried friend of India. Sieze the olive branch held out by the great Viceroy, Lord Willingdon, and work for the common good of India, when there is yet time.”
Asked about his racing programme, the Aga Khan said: “What concerns me most at the present moment is to run in the political race for India, so as to help a little bit our motherland. Take my advice. Let us put our feet firmly in the stirrup of this political opportunity and go boldly in the race and win it. ..
Source: The Times of India, Bombay, 15 December 1933.
A shorter account appeared in The Civil and Military Gazette of the same date, and a brief report was carried by The Times of 16 December.
The Aga Khan gave this interview on his arrival in Bombay from England by the S. S. Rajputana. Among other passengers alighting from the same boat were Sir Edward Benthall, Sirdar Buta Singh and Sir Arthur Worley.
The arrival of the Aga Khan was described by The Times of India in these words: “His Highness the Aga Khan, who is accompanied by Begum Aga Khan and Prince Ali Khan, was accorded a most enthusiastic welcome on his arrival in Bombay on Thursday afternoon. Tumultuous scenes were witnessed at Ballard Pier where thousands of his followers had assembled to catch a glimpse of their spiritual head, many of them with children in their arms. An open space in front of the Pier was gaily decorated with flags, bunting and welcome arches where the Aga Khan’s followers congregated to offer their reverent greetings to him. “A number of Muslim volunteer corps with a band were in attendance to regulate the crowd, in addition to the extra police force which was present to cope with the rush of traffic. Many influential persons both from Bombay and outside boarded the steamer and offered their respectful welcome. The Aga Khan and his party were literally mobbed by his followers both on board and after they landed. After acknowledging the greetings and blessing his people, His Highness motored to his bungalow to meet his mother, Lady Ali Shah.”
On the White Paper see Robert Gillan, Why this White Paper?, London, n.d.; John Hewett, Some Reflections on the White Paper, Southend-on-Sea, n.d. (?1933); James Johnston, The Political Future of India, London, 1933; Proposals for Indian Constitutional &form, 1933, Cmd. 4268; Abdullah Yusuf Ali, “Indian Reactions to the White Paper”, Asiatic Review, July 1933; and Muhammad Zafrullah Khan, “Indian Public Opinion on the White Paper”, International Affairs, September 933.