Date: 25 March 1903
Location: Calcutta
Speaker: Aga Khan III
Source: Speeches of Aga Khan III – K K Aziz
Full Text
The burden created by the salt tax – income tax exemption – vast majority of Indian children do not receive elementary education need for universal primary education and increased grants devoted to higher literary education – reduce the military budget – grant members of the Imperial Cadet Corps commissions in the Indian army – integrate native defence into Imperial defence and elim inate wastage of resources – systematic education for the benefit of India.
My Lord, I must first most cordially congratulate the Government of India on the financial results of the year, which I venture to say prove that there is a steady though slow progress in the material prosperity of the country, and I must acknowledge the wise, liberal and sympathetic manner in which the Hon’ble the Finance Minister has dealt with the various economic prob lems relating to this Empire. It is almost needless for me to assure Your Excellency that there is universal joy, gratitude and satisfaction throughout India that Your Excellency’s Government has in the same year reduced both the most pressing taxes which fall on the shoulders that are least able to bear the burdens of Empire. I must also add that it is almost universally hoped by the people of this country that the present reduction of the salt-tax is the beginning of a series of annual reductions that will in a few years totally wipe out this tax, which by its very nature presses with undue severity on the poorest of the poor, while it practically does not affect the rich and the well-to-do. My Lord, as to the raising of the income-tax exemption to Rs. 1,000 per annum, there is no doubt that it will be a great boon to the lower middle classes, and all I beg to add is the hope that Your Excellency’s Government may be in a position next year to raise the limit to Rs. 1,200 a year and thus carry out the suggestion made by the Bon’ble Sir Montagu Turner last year.
My Lord, as to the various items of expenditure, it is in my humble opinion a cause of regret that year after year passes and no serious effort is made out of the Imperial Exchequer to raise the standard of intelligence of all classes throughout India. In this age of severe competition the more intelligent and the better educated peoples will slowly but surely gain the capital of the ignorant nations, and as the natural and necessary result of their better mental equipment become the creditors of the backward peoples. My Lord, is it right that under these circumstances and in this age the vast majority of Indian children should be brought up without possessing even the rudiments of learning?
My Lord, while the British Government in the United Kingdom and the Governments of all the Australian Colonies and of not only great Powers like Germany, France, Austria-Hungary, Italy and the United States, but of such nations as Japan, Mexico, Peru, Portugal, Spain, Roumania, Serbia and Bulgaria, have adopted compulsory and free primary education for all, the number of illiterates in India according to the census of 1891 was 246,546,176, while those who could read or write was only 12,097,530. My Lord, has not the time come for the commence ment of some system of universal primary education such as has been adopted by almost every responsible Government? The extreme poverty of this country has recently been much discussed both here and in England, and all sorts of causes have been found and given to explain the undoubted fact. But, my Lord, in my humble opinion the fundamental cause of this extreme poverty is the ignorance of the great majority of the people, and I venture to add that if by some miracle the angel of peace descended on earth and the military establishments of the Powers disappeared like a mirage and all the gold and silver of Mrica and America flowed into this country, yet as long as the present general ignorance of the masses prevailed, in a comparatively few years we would find that the precious metals had returned to the earth and the saving from the military taxes blown into the air in the form of lights and fireworks.
My Lord, with the ever present fact that this country is advancing very slowly as compared to Europe and America, has not the time come for taking a bold and generous step towards some system of universal education suited to the conditions of the various Provinces of the country?
Again, my Lord, great efforts are being made in Europe and America towards making higher technical and scientific edu cation general and popular. My Lord, I respectfully venture to suggest that numerous establishments be founded all over India teaching the people by the most scientific and modern methods how to convert the many dormant resources of the country into capital, and even with all this extra expenditure for primary and technical education there ought to be also an increase in the grants devoted to higher literary education, so that the intellec tual and moral development of the people may keep pace with its increased material prosperity.
My Lord, it may well now be asked, where is the money to come from? My Lord, I am one of those who feel profoundly convinced that the first duty of the Government of India as the guardians of this country to the people of India is to maintain the military power of this Empire at such a standard of numerical strength and efficiency as to make not only the success of a war with Russia a foregone conclusion but so as to prevent even the most chauvinistic of Russian Tsars from interfering with our many legitimate political and commercial interests in the various inde pendent Asiatic States that border our vast and extended frontier.
My Lord, however, if methods could be found by which, without reducing either the effective strength of the Army in time of war or from its efficiency as a military instrument, [the] Government could at the same time reduce the burden of the military budget, I think no considerations of trouble or labour in bringing about such a result ought to be allowed to prevail as against the fact that it will enable the Government of India to devote so many millions a year towards a system of national education. Here I may say, my Lord, that I recognize that no reduction in the number of British troops in India is for the present possible. But with the Indian Army the case is different. First of all, if short service was introduced and a system not only of regimental reserves but of a permanent territorial reserve was formed, it could be brought about that though the peace establishment of the Indian Army and its cost would be less than at present, yet its effective strength in time of war would be greater. This is the system adopted by almost every European Government, including Russia and Turkey, and also by Japan. My Lord, another step which I would respectfully urge not only from the standpoint of economy but also from that of political expediency as also in the interests of justice is that a certain and limited number of the scions of the noblest houses of India such as have passed ,.,.
I .· I through the Imperial Cadet Corps be granted commissions in the Indian Army. Your Excellency, by creating the Imperial Cadet Corps, has shown not only your generous sympathy with the aristocracy of India, but by an act of far-seeing statesmanship demonstrated your anxious solicitude that honourable careers may be open to the younger members of ruling families and the noblest houses of India. But, my Lord, the formation of the Imperial Cadet Corps has not only caused general rejoicing and gratitude specially amongst the aristocracy, but also has raised hopes that some at least of the most successful cadets will be nominated to commissions in the Indian Army. I most earnestly beg of Your Excellency that, if possible, a definite undertaking be given that at least some of the most successful cadets will thus be given commissions so as to fulfil the expectations that have been formed. My Lord, to permanently exclude all the upper classes of British India from ever serving their Emperor in the defence of their own country is, I venture to submit, incom patible with those noble principles ofj ustice and generosity which have all along been accepted as determining the character of British rule in India.
There is one more suggestion in this connection that I would like to make in common justice alike to the taxpayers of British India and the Rulers and subjects of Native States. The suggestion is that after the glorious and soul-stirring ceremony held at Delhi it will be an act of wise statesmanship not to allow the spirit of solidarity and common interest which was witnessed there to remain unutilized for the welfare of the empire. My Lord, as things stand at present, the Imperial Army is bound to defend not only British India but the whole country, including the Native States. This, I submit, is unjust alike to the people of British India as also the Rulers of Native States, for the burden of meeting the entire expenditure of the Imperial Army falls at present exclus ively on the taxpayers of British India, while on the other hand the Rulers of Native States – representatives of ancient and warlike dynasties, in whom the cherished traditions of a chequ-· ered past are still preserved – are precluded from taking their legitimate place in the defence of this great Empire. Of course, my Lord,. I am aware of the existence of the Imperial Service Troops, but their numbers are much smaller than the proportion according to population that would have to be maintained by the Native States if in India there was a system of recruiting according to population or territorial extent. My object in men tioning this is not to suggest that an additional burden be imposed on the shoulders of Native States nor that any Imperial bills be presented to the Rulers of these States for payment. But when, my Lord, as at present, a large irregular armed force is maintained by the various Rulers and a large expenditure is borne by their subjects, it is (specially after the great Imperial ceremony at Delhi, when the collective devotion of the whole of India to the person and throne of the King-Emperor was declared to the world) clearly to the welfare of both the Imperial and feudatory Governments to bring this armed but practically wasted force not only to the highest standard of efficiency but also to bring it within the system of Imperial defence, of course under the direct peace and war command of His Excellency the Commander-in Chief.
My Lord, to make such a force really efficient and to win for it the confidence of the public, of course it would be necessary to place a small number of carefully picked British officers in charge just as has been done with such unique success in the case of the Egyptian Army. My Lord, what has been carried out in Egypt in spite of the great difficulties connected with the British occupation of that Province and in spite of the constant intrigues of some of the Great Powers and the interference of Turkey, the Suzerain of Egypt, ought to be done easily enough with the Native States whose Rulers one and all deem it their greatest privilege to be under the paramountcy and protection of British power. My Lord, I admit this proposal as submitted on the present occasion will appear to be the crude and visionary fancy of an irresponsible dreamer, but the presence at the present moment at the head of the Indian Army of the great and most distinguished General who carried out those remarkable reforms in the Egyptian Army and raised even the despised fellaheen to be trustworthy and loyal troops worthy of fighting by the side of the flower of the British Army emboldens me to hope that this proposal may commend itself to Your Excellency’s Government.
My Lord, this method of placing the whole of their forces under the direction of the Imperial Commander-in-Chief and under the control of superior officers nominated by the Imperial Com mander-in-Chief was accepted after the unification of Germany by the Rulers of Saxony, Wurtemberg, Baden and all the other smaller States of the German Empire. Yet the Rulers of these States had been up till then Rulers of International Sovereign States and the equals of the Kings of Prussia. But with Imperial unity it was at once accepted by all as a self-evident axiom that there could be no particularism in military affairs. What was ,;, I found necessary by all the Rulers of German States is, I venture to suggest, equally necessary in India, only even more so. Here there are no International Sovereigns, no equal allies, but one and all feudatories and tributaries, proud to acknowledge in a spirit of whole-hearted loyalty and devotion the absolute para mountcy of the Imperial Government. My Lord, then why should this particularism in military affairs, which means in practice burdening the Imperial Exchequer with maintaining a larger force than its proper share and at the same time burdening the treasuries of the feudatories with the cost of a force that is practically useless for its only use, namely, Imperial defence, be allowed to continue? My Lord, such a system as has been sug gested above would of course add enormously not only to the influence of the Rulers of these States, but would make them important participators in the responsibility and privilege of fighting for their Emperor and defending their own country. My Lord, I fear that this suggestion may perhaps be misapprehended in certain quarters, but I would appeal to the patriotism of the Rulers of the Native States and ask them to consider whether such a course will not in the end be found to be the best and highest interest of all – preventing a considerable waste of resources which are sadly needed in the present state of the country for the great work of national education and bringing appreciable relief to the Exchequers of both the Imperial Govern ment and the Native States. Of course, my proposition implies that in proportion as the irregular troops of Native States are brought under the supervision of British officers to the standard of efficiency and included within the regular system of Imperial defence, the Indian Army maintained by the Imperial Govern ment will be correspondingly reduced.
My Lord, every care must of course be taken that such reor ganized troops of each Native State would wear the uniforms of their own State and carry the colours of their Chief and all the traditional emblems associated with each princely House. The Chiefs, moreover, would be able to command the allegiance of the troops not merely as Rulers but also as their Honorary Commanders. I think, my Lord, such an arrangement will greatly enhance the dignity and prestige of the several Chiefs. Again, my Lord, if the personal inclination of the Rulers was, as it probably in the great majority of cases will be, towards an active military life, he could by studying military science become also the active Commander of his troops and with the advice of the British officers supervising his troops be able to command his own men in time of war. This would be, if I am right, analogous to the position of the German ruling Princes towards their own par ticular army, and what has been done with such conspicuous success in Germany may, there is every reason to hope, be achieved with equal success in India. My Lord, the spirit of unity which moved the German Princes during the ceremony held in the Hall of Mirrors to this day breathes through the German system of defence. Is it too much to hope that that spirit of loyalty and devotion, which was so evident in the great ceremony at Delhi, may live for ever in India as an active force in our system of Imperial defence, and out of it may come not only a greater military power under the control of the Imperial Government than at present but also release for both the Imperial Govern ment and the Native States the resources by which they can through systematic education raise the whole standard of general intelligence and advance the moral welfare and the material prosperity of this great country?
Source: Abstract of the Proceedings of the Council of the Governor General of India Assembled for the Purpose of Making Laws and Regulations, Vol. XLII, Calcutta, 1903, pp. 91-7. .
The Aga Khan was the first speaker in the debate after the Hon’ble Sir Edward Law had moved that the Financial Statement for 1903-4 be taken into consideration. He was followed by the &ya of Sirmur. … r’